Baytown


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The early history of Baytown is intertwined with the early history of Texas. The first president of the Republic of Texas, David G. Burnet, and two-time president Sam Houston both lived in the neighborhood. Dr. Ashbel Smith, Texas ambassador to France and England, first president of the University of Texas in Austin, and a founder of the University of Texas Medical Branch in Galveston, called Goose Creek home. After the last president of Texas, Anson Jones, committed suicide, his widow, Mary Jones, moved here with their children. She later helped form the Daughters of the Republic of Texas and served as its first president. The major industry in the 1800s was brick making, and over a 100-year period, up to 12 million bricks a year were made on Cedar Bayou and shipped to Galveston, where many buildings built with these bricks still stand. In 1908, the industry became oil with the discovery of the Goose Creek oil field, which, for a while, was the largest producing field in Texas. Because of the proximity to the oil field and access to shipping, the huge Humble Oil Refinery was built at Baytown, starting up in 1919.




The Baytown Snatchings


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Black-Brown Solidarity


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Houston is the largest city in the Gulf South, a region sometimes referred to as the “black belt” because of its sizeable African American population. Yet, over the last thirty years, Latinos have become the largest ethnic minority in Houston, which is surpassed only by Los Angeles and New York in the number of Latino residents. Examining the history and effects of this phenomenon, Black-Brown Solidarity describes the outcomes of unexpected coalitions that have formed between the rapidly growing Latino populations and the long-held black enclaves in the region. Together, minority residents have put the spotlight on prominent Old South issues such as racial profiling and police brutality. Expressions of solidarity, John D. Márquez argues, have manifested themselves in expressive forms such as hip-hop music, youth gang cultural traits, and the storytelling of ordinary residents in working-class communities. Contrary to a growing discourse regarding black-brown conflict across the United States, the blurring of racial boundaries reflects broader arguments regarding hybrid cultures that unsettle the orders established by centuries-old colonial formations. Accentuating what the author defines as a racial state of expendability—the lynchpin of vigilante violence and police brutality—the new hybridization has resulted in shared wariness of a linked fate. Black-Brown Solidarity also explores the ways in which the significance of African American history in the South has influenced the structures through which Latinos have endured and responded to expendability. Mining data from historical archives, oral histories, legal documents, popular media, and other sources, this work is a major contribution to urban studies, ethnic studies, and critical race theory.




Real Estate Asset Inventory


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