Three Essays on the Political Economy of Foreign Investments and International Business


Book Description

"My dissertation consists of three essays on the political economy of foreign investments and international business. The first essay investigates the relationship between a country's level of democracy and its ability to attract foreign direct investment (FDI). According to a well-established finding in the literature, democratic countries can attract more FDI. However, I show that this positive association between democracy and FDI disappears once I control for a selection bias in which FDI tends to come from democratic countries in the first place. I then show that it is not democracy by itself but the level of political similarity between any two countries that affects their FDI flow. In other words, democracy does not attract FDI, political similarity does. The second essay looks into how well countries absorb foreign investments after they receive those investments. I find that FDI contributes less to economic growth in more democratic countries. This result survives a long series of robustness checks, and its substantive effect is considerably larger than those of several other factors that affect growth, including market size, trade openness, development level, and inflation. While the first two essays are empirical in nature and primarily deal with politics at the macro level (i.e., between countries), the third essay is a theoretical study ofthe strategic interaction between micro-level actors (i.e., firms, activist groups) and their governments. It is, to my knowledge, the first game-theoretic model of private politics - a relatively young field - that focuses on the international dimension. I find that activist campaigns in democratic and nondemocratic countries have different characteristics due to the nature of the competition between firms and activist groups. Counterintuitively, I find that even if governments have pure economic motives - i.e., they only care about gaining investments for their countries?there still does not exist a "race to the bottom" in equilibrium, as commonly expected. Finally, I propose a novel answer to the perennial question in political science of why there is so "little" lobbying money in politics, which differs from previous explanations in that mine is the first one that is based on a competition dynamic."--Pages vi-vii.







Reflections on Progress


Book Description

Now, more than ever, the world needs growth-oriented and socially inclusive policymaking. Is the world giving up on the promise of ever-greater prosperity for all, on functioning democratic institutions, and on long-term peace? Is the special set of circumstances that led to the recent rapid growth in emerging markets unlikely to be present in the future? Will the second decade of the twenty first century end with “secular stagnation”? Does the rise of authoritarianism, populism, and fanatic nihilism—all experienced over the last few years—threaten to unravel what has been built painstakingly since the catastrophe of World War II? Kemal Dervis addresses these and similar questions in this thought-provoking series of essays written for Project Syndicate from 2011 to 2015. The essays are organized in three sections: global economic interdependence, inequality and the political economy of reform, and the specific challenge of Europe. The common theme is the need for growth-oriented and socially inclusive policymaking in an interdependent world. These kinds of policies offer the potential for another wave of unprecedented human progress aided by breathtaking new technologies. However, a huge and destabilizing disruption is possible if policymaking is not globally cooperative and is not focused on inclusion and greater equity. These essays synthesize the experience and analysis of a scholar and policymaker with national, regional, and international experience at the highest levels. Dervis exhibits a passion for combining strongly held values with political feasibility.




Essays on International Trade and International Political Economy


Book Description

My graduate research has been organized around two main themes: (i) the causes and consequences of trade integration and (ii) the strategic nature of armed conflict. The expansion of international trade over the past sixty years has played a major role is determining the fates of nations, both for better and for worse, and likewise has the potential to shape our futures in ways we need to be able to anticipate. Similarly, the death, destruction, and diversion of productive resources associated with violent conflict continue to present a critical obstacle to shared prosperity. The papers I am presenting as the chapters of my dissertation are representative of the contributions I am interested in making in these important research areas. My research on trade integration spans both the micro-level of what forms trade integration may take as well as higher level concerns about how freer trade will affect both the world economy as well as the individual economies within it. Two chapters of my dissertation, "Beyond Tariffs: Quantifying Heterogeneity in the Effects of Free Trade Agreements" and "Finding the Influence of Communication on Trade" are devoted to this subject. In "Beyond Tariffs", for example, I show, using NAFTA as an empirical case study, that the effects of free trade agreements on individual nations may not be what we might expect to observe ex ante based on tariffs. Relying solely on tariffs to project NAFTA's effects not only greatly underestimates the overall welfare increases for all three NAFTA countries--Mexico's in particular--but also overstates the positive effects of NAFTA on U.S. producer prices. It follows that "heterogeneity" in the effects of free trade agreements, both within and across agreements, may not be well-understood. In "Finding the Influence of Communication", I investigate whether the sharing of a common language promotes trade in a way similar to trade policy and, if so, what the consequences of increased language learning will be for global trade. Most notably, I find the effect of communication in native languages on trade tends to be underestimated in the absence of controls for communication in non-native languages. Surprisingly, while I find strong evidence for the causal impact of foreign language acquisition on manufacturing trade, I do not find similarly strong evidence for services trade. I also find that, unsurprisingly, adding to the world's population of English speakers has by far the largest impact on trade of any major world language. Interestingly, however, when I remove all non-language barriers to trade, I find the forces of geography and history may have greatly impeded the relative appeal of Chinese as a competing global language. The third chapter of my dissertation, "The Problem of Peace: A Story of Corruption, Destruction, and Rebellion", joint with Constantinos Syropoulos, deals with a different kind of question: what are the economic incentives that drive the emergence of destructive conflicts, and of intra-state conflicts ("civil conflicts") in particular? Specifically, we investigate how the central presence of state (fiscal) institutions in civil conflicts generates unique explanations for the emergence of conflict itself. International trade plays an important role in this chapter as well, but mainly as a backdrop for illustrating the unique trade-offs between "peace" and "welfare" that may arise in this context. It is possible for changes in international prices to move in favor of promoting settlements, but such settlements can be associated with (socially wasteful) increases in arming and/or taxation. We also explore, among other things, how limiting the government's fiscal capacity may tilt the balance towards peaceful settlement.