Dual Containment: US Policy in the Persian Gulf and a Recommendation for the Future


Book Description

This paper is a critical analysis of the US foreign policy toward Iran and Iraq known as dual containment. The objective of dual containment is to isolate these regimes politically, economically, and militarily. This paper evaluates recent American policy directed toward the region in order to place the policy of dual containment in perspective. The paper contains a review of the policy of dual containment itself by examining the writings of the authors of the policy. The debate that has surrounded the policy of dual containment is summarized. In conclusion, the paper offers three possible policy options for the future, provides some predictions of the near term future for the region, and closes with a policy recommendation. The paper concludes that dual containment is a sustainable policy for the region. In the long term, however, it is argued that the interest of the United States would be better served if a policy of incremental engagement toward Iran and Iraq was initiated. This policy option should begin with economic engagement leading eventually to restoring diplomatic relations. For this to become a reality, the regimes in Iran and Iraq need to demonstrate the desire and ability to accept the standards of behavior as established by the community of nations.










America Entangled


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U.S. Policy in the Persian Gulf


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Rethinking U.S. Policy Towards Iraq: Keep Containment, Forget the Sanctions


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In the wake of the Gulf War, struggling to deal with a still-recalcitrant and hostile Saddam, the Clinton administration fell back on a proven Cold War strategy--containment--as a means to protect American interests in the Persian Gulf. First outlined in a May 1993 speech by Martin Indyk, the Special Assistant to the President for Near East and South Asian Affairs, the policy of "dual containment" is designed to allow Washington and its allies to contain Iraq while countering Iran at the same time. Dual containment uses sustained economic, diplomatic, and military pressure to isolate both countries, cut them off from the world trading system, and, (at least in the case of Iraq) encourage a change of regime. In conjunction with an aggressive military presence and proactive diplomacy, a key feature of Iraqi containment has been relentless enforcement of economic sanctions. These sanctions--particularly the embargo on the sale of oil--are intended to force Iraq to comply with UN resolutions considered essential to long-term stability in the Middle East. To date, this containment policy has arguably been quite successful. While it has not gotten rid of Saddam, it has isolated and impoverished the Iraqis while further reducing their military capability.







The United States and the Persian Gulf: Reshaping Security Strategy for the Post-Containment Era


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Significant changes lie ahead for U.S. security strategy in the Persian Gulf after almost a decade of stasis. In the decade between the Gulf War and the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, the strategy of dual containment of Iraq and Iran was a key driver of American military planning and force posture for the region. During these years, the overriding U.S. concern was preserving access to Gulf oil at reasonable prices; both Iran and Iraq possessed only a limited ability to project power and influence beyond their borders; the Persian Gulf states acquiesced to a significant U.S. military presence on their soil despite the domestic costs; and the United States was reasonably successful, at least until the second Palestinian intifada in September 2000, in insulating its relationships with key Gulf states from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. At the end of the Clinton administration, it seemed safe to assume that the regional security environment would continue to evolve more or less on its present trajectory and that the challenge confronting the United States was how to manage U.S. forward presence for the long haul under increasingly stressful conditions. This premise is no longer valid. The strategy of dual containment, which is just barely alive, will expire in one way or another in all likelihood because the United States decides to end Saddam Husayn's rule. American success in engineering a regime change in Baghdad will require a substantial increase in U.S. forward deployed forces followed by a multinational occupation of Iraq that is likely to include a significant U.S. military component. At the same time, even if regime change does not occur in Iraq, other factors are likely to put pressure on the United States over the next decade to alter the shape of its military posture toward the region. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the implications of these political, strategic, security, and military factors for U.S. military presence and force posture, defense and security relationships, and force planning for the region. Specifically, the chapters that follow seek to frame the issues, options, and tradeoffs facing U.S. defense planners by focusing on the following questions: To what extent does the emerging security environment-that is, the changing nature of U.S. interests and threats to those interests- require changes in the size and composition of forward deployed forces, peacetime engagement activities, military operations, and force protection? Does the United States need to reconfigure its security and military relationships with regional friends and allies to take account of their changing security perceptions and policies? Are there trends in the strategic environment that are likely to generate new demands and requirements for the Armed Forces? How can the United States reconcile the call in the Quadrennial Defense Review 2001 for greater flexibility in the global allocation of U.S. defense capabilities with the harsh reality that, for the foreseeable future, forward defense of the Persian Gulf will remain dependent on substantial reinforcements from the United States? The main conclusion of this study is that, with or without regime change in Iraq, the United States will need to make significant adjustments in its military posture toward the region.




US Foreign Policy and the Persian Gulf


Book Description

Examining fundamental economic, military and political causes of the 1990-1991 Persian Gulf crisis, Robert J. Pauly, Jr investigates to what extent these causes were internal and external in origin. He looks at the principal actors in the crisis and determines whether and how they have continued to drive unfolding events in the Persian Gulf ever since.