EIS Cumulative


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Government Reports Annual Index


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Sections 1-2. Keyword Index.--Section 3. Personal author index.--Section 4. Corporate author index.-- Section 5. Contract/grant number index, NTIS order/report number index 1-E.--Section 6. NTIS order/report number index F-Z.







To Defend and Deter


Book Description

The Department of Defense's official history of the United States Cold War missile program--completely reformatted with all-new color illustrations and photographs not used in the original edition. The DoD commissioned this study as part of its Cold War Project in 1996. With permission from the DoD's Legacy Program, Hole in the Head Press brings To Defend and Deter back into print. This informative guide offers a thorough look at Cold War missile development, from the earliest beginnings of rocketry in the 13th century to the arms control agreements that began in the 1970s. Both a narrative history and reference guide, To Defend and Deter traces the evolution of the Cold War and establishes the United States missile program's scope and its massive impact on the American landscape, citizens, and structure of the U.S. military establishment.







A Time for Courage


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Getting MAD: Nuclear Mutual Assured Destruction, Its Origins and Practice


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Nearly 40 years after the concept of finite deterrence was popularized by the Johnson administration, nuclear Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) thinking appears to be in decline. The United States has rejected the notion that threatening population centers with nuclear attacks is a legitimate way to assure deterrence. Most recently, it withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, an agreement based on MAD. American opposition to MAD also is reflected in the Bush administration's desire to develop smaller, more accurate nuclear weapons that would reduce the number of innocent civilians killed in a nuclear strike. Still, MAD is influential in a number of ways. First, other countries, like China, have not abandoned the idea that holding their adversaries' cities at risk is necessary to assure their own strategic security. Nor have U.S. and allied security officials and experts fully abandoned the idea. At a minimum, acquiring nuclear weapons is still viewed as being sensible to face off a hostile neighbor that might strike one's own cities. Thus, our diplomats have been warning China that Japan would be under tremendous pressure to go nuclear if North Korea persisted in acquiring a few crude weapons of its own. Similarly, Israeli officials have long argued, without criticism, that they would not be second in acquiring nuclear weapons in the Middle East. Indeed, given that Israelis surrounded by enemies that would not hesitate to destroy its population if they could, Washington finds Israel's retention of a significant nuclear capability totally "understandable."