Egypt's New Regime and the Future of the U.S.-Egyptian Strategic Relationship


Book Description

administration officials should not oppose congressional conditions tying aid to democratic norms because it signals U.S. support for democracy. The United States should continue to speak out for free and fair elections and other international norms, but should avoid commentating on the role of religion and Islamic law in the Egyptian Constitution. Helping the Egyptian military deal with the extremist threat in the Sinai, which the United States has already offered, should also be continued. The U.S. Army should continue to advocate for military-to-military contacts, encourage their Egyptian counterparts to continue to attend U.S. professional military educational institutions, engage with Egyptian counterparts on regional threat assessments, and advocate for a reactivation of the Bright Star exercises. What U.S.




Egypt’s New Regime and the Future of the U.S.-Egyptian Strategic Relationship (Enlarged Edition)


Book Description

This monograph examines the strategic importance of Egypt for the United States by exploring Egypt's role in the Arab-Israeli peace process, its geographical role (providing air and naval access) for U.S. military assets heading to the Persian Gulf, and joint training programs. With so much at stake in the Middle East, the idea of "losing" Egypt as a strategic ally would be a significant setback for the United States. The Egyptian revolution of early 2011 was welcomed by U.S. officials because the protestors wanted democratic government which conformed to U.S. ideals, and the institution that would shepherd the transition, the Egyptian military, had close ties with the United States. To bolster the U.S.-Egyptian relationship and help keep Egypt on the democratic path, the monograph recommends that U.S. military aid should not be cut, economic aid should be increased, and U.S. administration officials should not oppose congressional conditions tying aid to democratic norms because...




The Struggle for Egypt


Book Description

The recent revolution in Egypt has shaken the Arab world to its roots. The most populous Arab country and the historical center of Arab intellectual life, Egypt is a lynchpin of the US's Middle East strategy, receiving more aid than any nation except Israel. This is not the first time that the world and has turned its gaze to Egypt, however. A half century ago, Egypt under Nasser became the putative leader of the Arab world and a beacon for all developing nations. Yet in the decades prior to the 2011 revolution, it was ruled over by a sclerotic regime plagued by nepotism and corruption. During that time, its economy declined into near shambles, a severely overpopulated Cairo fell into disrepair, and it produced scores of violent Islamic extremists such as Ayman al-Zawahiri and Mohammed Atta. In this new and updated paperback edition of The Struggle for Egypt, Steven Cook--a Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations--explains how this parlous state of affairs came to be, why the revolution occurred, and where Egypt is headed now. A sweeping account of Egypt in the modern era, it incisively chronicles all of the nation's central historical episodes: the decline of British rule, the rise of Nasser and his quest to become a pan-Arab leader, Egypt's decision to make peace with Israel and ally with the United States, the assassination of Sadat, the emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood, and--finally--the demonstrations that convulsed Tahrir Square and overthrew an entrenched regime. And for the paperback edition, Cook has updated the book to include coverage of the recent political events in Egypt, including the election of the Muslim Brotherhood's Mohamed Morsi as President. Throughout Egypt's history, there has been an intense debate to define what Egypt is, what it stands for, and its relation to the world. Egyptians now have an opportunity to finally answer these questions. Doing so in a way that appeals to the vast majority of Egyptians, Cook notes, will be difficult but ultimately necessary if Egypt is to become an economically dynamic and politically vibrant society.




Egyptian Foreign Relations Under al-Sisi


Book Description

Considering both changes and continuities, this book examines how, why, and along which lines Egypt’s external alignments under the al-Sisi regime emerged and developed. Egypt’s foreign relations have changed substantially since the current regime took power in 2013. To assess this, the author develops and applies a unique analytical approach: the model of ‘two-staged alignment formation.’ In the first stage, domestic threats to the Egyptian regime’s survival determined specific needs the regime tried to meet by approaching external partners. In the second stage, characteristics of the global and regional environments defined opportunities and constraints and therefore the regime’s options and logical choices. In sum, the interplay of developments on the domestic, regional, and global levels resulted in a diversification of Egypt’s external alignments, with China and Russia joining the EU and the US as Egypt’s main global partners, and Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates emerging as the regime’s prime regional partners. Explaining the emerging alignment patterns from 2013 until 2017, this book aids understanding of the complexity of alignment formation and of Egyptian external relations in that critical period of time. This book will be of high interest to researchers and students working on Egyptian foreign relations, on relations between states, and on regional dynamics in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) region. It is also valuable for practitioners, because it helps to understand an issue of high relevance for foreign policy-making.




Egypt's New Regime and the Future of the U.S.-Egyptian Strategic Relationship


Book Description

This monograph examines the strategic importance of Egypt for the United States by exploring Egypt's role in the Arab-Israeli peace process, its geographical role (providing air and naval access) for U.S. military assets heading to the Persian Gulf, and joint training programs. With so much at stake in the Middle East, the idea of "losing" Egypt as a strategic ally would be a significant setback for the United States. The Egyptian revolution of early 2011 was welcomed by U.S. officials because the protestors wanted democratic government which conformed to U.S. ideals, and the institution that would shepherd the transition, the Egyptian military, had close ties with the United States. To bolster the U.S.-Egyptian relationship and help keep Egypt on the democratic path, the monograph recommends that U.S. military aid should not be cut, economic aid should be increased, and U.S. administration officials should not oppose congressional conditions tying aid to democratic norms because it signals U.S. support for democracy. The United States should continue to speak out for free and fair elections and other international norms, but should avoid commentating on the role of religion and Islamic law in the Egyptian Constitution. Helping the Egyptian military deal with the extremist threat in the Sinai, which the United States has already offered, should also be continued. The U.S. Army should continue to advocate for military-to-military contacts, encourage their Egyptian counterparts to continue to attend U.S. professional military educational institutions, engage with Egyptian counterparts on regional threat assessments, and advocate for a reactivation of the Bright Star exercises. What U.S. Army officials and officers should do is avoid getting into discussions with Egyptian military officers about Egyptian domestic politics, and drop any interest they may have in convincing Egypt to opt for a "more nimble" force because Egyptian defense officials would see it as an effort to weaken the Egyptian military.




U.S. Egyptian Relations After the Cold War


Book Description

Despite several well publicized problems-rising violence from Islamic extremists, an uninspired political climate, and continued unemployment and poverty-Egypt's regime is in no immediate danger of collapse. Rather, the serious problems are long term. If a concerted attempt to address them is not made now, Egypt's future and U.S. interests could be threatened. The workshop focused on four interrelated issues: whether the political system can be revitalized without political upheaval; whether Islamic activism can be moderated or effectively challenged by competing secular forces; whether Egypt's economic reforms can be sustained in the face of the painful political adjustments they will require; and whether the military will continue to play a stabilizing domestic role.







Egypt in Crisis


Book Description

This book deals with the sudden demise of Islamists in Egypt and prospects for democratization. It provides an overview of the different causes of the downfall of Morsi and the Islamists in Egypt. Additionally, it is posited that Morsi’s coup-proofing strategy, which was modeled after Mubarak’s, was responsible for the military turning against him. The author also argues that the Muslim Brotherhood’s belief system played a major role in their downfall. The strained civil-military relations in Egypt are examined, as well as its likely future. This project will be of interest to diplomats; journalists; International Affairs specialists, strategists, or scholars of Egyptian politics and the Arab Spring; and anyone interested in social movements and democratization in the Middle East.




Strategic Forum


Book Description




The Belt and Road Initiative and the Future of Regional Order in the Indo-Pacific


Book Description

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is emerging as a vital lynch-pin in China's efforts to establish a maritime and continental zone of influence in the Indo-Pacific region. The Belt and Road Initiative and the Future of Regional Order in the Indo-Pacific interrogates to what extent BRI represents an achievable vision of a China-centric order in Asia and explores its major security implications for the region. The contributions to this volume provide up-to-date analysis of the effect of BRI on the region's foreign policy and alliance patterns, its connection to geo-economics and domestic Chinese politics, and the policy responses of key Indo-Pacific actors. While acknowledging that BRI remains prey to a variety of internal and exogenous shocks, the contributors conclude that at the very least BRI will continue to disrupt the existing alignments of economic and strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific and that on this minimal basis BRI will likely be judged a success by China. For regional actors, however, the BRI simultaneously enhances choice while presenting strategic and economic risks of greater dependency on China - a dilemma intensified by the disruptive effects of the Trump administration on regional confidence in the longevity of American commitments and leadership.