Federal Labor Law, Indian Sovereignty, and the Canons of Construction


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In 2004 the National Labor Relations Board (Board or NLRB), over a powerful dissent, overruled its 1976 precedent and effectively rewrote the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 (NLRA) to apply, for the first time, to on-reservation Indian Nation government employment (the NLRA has never applied to state or territorial government employment). The D.C. Circuit, in an opinion by President George W. Bush's appointee Judge Janice Rogers Brown, upheld this decision in San Manuel Band of Serrano Mission Indians v. NLRB (2007). The litigation arose in regard to the San Manuel Band's Tribal Casino located on its reservation in Southern California, and a labor dispute involving its employees. This article argues, in part, that the Board and D.C. Circuit decisions in San Manuel were egregiously erroneous; that they violated the Indian law canons; that they ignored, contradicted, or misconstrued numerous Supreme Court precedents; and that only Congress, after careful consideration of the policy issues involved, has any authority to make such a dramatic change in federal labor law as applied to Indian country. But the scope and implications of the article go much further. The San Manuel decisions are profoundly important for what they portend about the future of tribal sovereignty and Indian law generally. They show how lower courts and administrative agencies may sometimes drastically revise fundamental principles affecting entire fields of law, without the guidance or approval of Congress, and in defiance of clear teachings of the Supreme Court. The San Manuel decisions are the culmination of an approach, often referred to as the Tuscarora-Coeur d'Alene doctrine, that lower courts have been building for more than twenty years on the basis of a stray comment by the Supreme Court in its 1960 decision in Federal Power Commission v. Tuscarora Indian Nation (one of the most reviled cases of the discredited Termination Era of Indian law, 1943-61). This doctrine, which the Supreme Court has never approved (and has indeed implicitly rejected many times), threatens to radically undermine the canons guiding the entire field of Indian law. This lower-court doctrine has already affected the interpretation of a wide range of so-called generally applicable federal laws. Yet, as this article shows in a wide-ranging examination of the Indian law canons, the Ninth Circuit Coeur d'Alene decision lending its name to this doctrine was decided the same year (1985) that the Supreme Court curtailed and laid to rest its own troubling statement in Tuscarora that was its seed. During the years since, the Supreme Court has generally adhered to the canons, while lower courts have proceeded to dismantle them in case after case, San Manuel being the latest and most important. The final part of the article draws upon the insights of constitutional case law on federal-state relations, most notably the Supreme Court's 1985 decision in Garcia v. SAMTA. The article argues that Indian Nations deserve the same freedom as states to experiment with government programs that some may disparage as non-"traditional." The taxonomy adopted by the Board and D.C. Circuit in San Manuel artificially distinguishes between approved ("traditional" or "governmental") and disapproved ("commercial") functions. This makes no sense, contradicts Congress's express policy choices, defies the Supreme Court's teachings in Garcia and related cases, and is patronizing to Indian tribes. A sequel to this article analyzes in more depth the origins, doctrinal development, and possible future of the Ninth Circuit Coeur d'Alene decision. See Bryan H. Wildenthal, "How the Ninth Circuit Overruled a Century of Supreme Court Indian Jurisprudence - And Has So Far Gotten Away With It," 2008 Mich. St. L. Rev. 547 (2008) http://ssrn.com/abstract=1099683.




Symposium


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American Indian Law


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Federal Indian Law


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Hardbound - New, hardbound print book.







Judging Statutes


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In an ideal world, the laws of Congress--known as federal statutes--would always be clearly worded and easily understood by the judges tasked with interpreting them. But many laws feature ambiguous or even contradictory wording. How, then, should judges divine their meaning? Should they stick only to the text? To what degree, if any, should they consult aids beyond the statutes themselves? Are the purposes of lawmakers in writing law relevant? Some judges, such as Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, believe courts should look to the language of the statute and virtually nothing else. Chief Judge Robert A. Katzmann of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit respectfully disagrees. In Judging Statutes, Katzmann, who is a trained political scientist as well as a judge, argues that our constitutional system charges Congress with enacting laws; therefore, how Congress makes its purposes known through both the laws themselves and reliable accompanying materials should be respected. He looks at how the American government works, including how laws come to be and how various agencies construe legislation. He then explains the judicial process of interpreting and applying these laws through the demonstration of two interpretative approaches, purposivism (focusing on the purpose of a law) and textualism (focusing solely on the text of the written law). Katzmann draws from his experience to show how this process plays out in the real world, and concludes with some suggestions to promote understanding between the courts and Congress. When courts interpret the laws of Congress, they should be mindful of how Congress actually functions, how lawmakers signal the meaning of statutes, and what those legislators expect of courts construing their laws. The legislative record behind a law is in truth part of its foundation, and therefore merits consideration.




American Indians


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Answer to today's questions.




American Indian Law


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Understanding Clarence Thomas


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Though Clarence Thomas has been a Supreme Court Justice for nearly 25 years and has written close to five hundred opinions, legal scholars and pundits have given him short shrift, often, in fact, dismissing him as a narrow partisan, a silent presence on the bench, an enemy of his race, a tool of Antonin Scalia. And yet, as this book makes clear, few justices of the Supreme Court have developed as clear and consistent a constitutional jurisprudence as Thomas. Also little known but apparent in Ralph A. Rossum's detailed assessment of the justice's jurisprudence is how profound Thomas's impact has been in certain areas of constitutional law—not only on the bench but also even among some of his erstwhile disparaging critics. During his years on the Court, Thomas has pursued an original general meaning approach to constitutional interpretation; he has been unswayed by claims of precedent—by the gradual build-up of interpretations that, to his mind, come to distort the original meaning of the constitutional provision in question, leading to muddled decisions and contradictory conclusions. In a close reading of Thomas's hundreds of well-crafted, extensively researched, and passionately argued majority, concurring, and dissenting opinions, Rossum explores how the justice applies this original meaning approach to questions of constitutional structure as they relate to federalism; substantive rights found in the First Amendment's religion and free speech and press clauses, the Second Amendment's right to keep and bear arms, the Fifth Amendment's restrictions on the taking of private property, and the Fourteenth Amendment regarding abortion rights; and various criminal procedural provisions found in the Ex Post Facto Clauses and the Bill of Rights. Thomas grounds his original general meaning approach in the Declaration of Independence and its "self evident" truth that "all men are created equal"; that truth, he insists, "preced[es] and underl[ies] the Constitution." Understanding Clarence Thomas traces the many consequences that, for Thomas, flow from the centrality of that "self evident" truth, and how these shape his opinions in cases concerning desegregation, racial preference, and voting rights. The most thorough explication ever given of the jurisprudence of this prolific but little-understood justice, this work offers a unique opportunity to grasp not just the meaning of Clarence Thomas's opinions but their significance for the Supreme Court and constitutional interpretation in our day.