Getting Things Done in Washington


Book Description

Boyett has written a book that will inspire you, lift your spirits, renew your faith in what progressives can accomplish, and show you a way forward. Getting Things Done in Washington tells the exciting stories of six great moments of progressive legislative history and the people who made them happen: James Madison and the founding fathers struggle to expand the power of the federal government, The Ladies of Beekman Hill, George Wiley and the struggle for pure food and drugs, Wilbur Mills and the struggle for universal health insurance, Robert Wagner and the struggle for the right of labor to organize, John Sherman and the struggle to rein in and regulate big business, and Lyndon Johnson and the struggle for civil rights legislation. Boyett describes what it was like to live in America before progressives secured these historic pieces of legislation and how these legislative achievements changed the lives of every American. He introduces you to the fascinating men and women who led the efforts to pass this legislation and shows us how to defeat conservatives and once again get progressive things done in Washington. Getting Things Done in Washington is vivid and exciting history. It will inspire you to work even harder for progressive causes. Most importantly, it will give you the tools to begin getting things done in Washington.




Getting Things Done for Teens


Book Description

An adaptation of the business classic Getting Things Done for teenage readers The most interconnected generation in history is navigating unimaginable amounts of social pressure, both in personal and online interactions. Very little time, focus, or education is being spent teaching and coaching this generation how to navigate this unprecedented amount of "stuff" entering their lives each day. How do we help the overloaded and distracted next generation deal with increasing complexity and help them not only survive, but thrive? How do we help them experience stress-free productivity and gain momentum and confidence? How do we help them achieve autonomy, so that they can confidently take on whatever comes their way? Getting Things Done for Teens will train the next generation to overcome these obstacles and flourish by coaching them to use the internationally renowned Getting Things Done methodology. In its two editions, David Allen's classic has been translated into dozens of languages and sold over a million copies, establishing itself as one of the most influential business books of its era, and the ultimate book on personal organization. Getting Things Done for Teens will adapt its lessons by offering a fresh take on the GTD methodology, framing life as a game to play and GTD as the game pieces and strategies to play your most effective game. It presents GTD in a highly visual way and frames the methodology as not only as a system for being productive in school, but as a set of tools for everyday life. Getting Things Done for Teens is the how-to manual for the next generation--a strategic guidebook for creating the conditions for a fruitful and effective future.




Getting Things Done


Book Description







Why Washington Won't Work


Book Description

Polarization is at an all-time high in the United States. But contrary to popular belief, Americans are polarized not so much in their policy preferences as in their feelings toward their political opponents: To an unprecedented degree, Republicans and Democrats simply do not like one another. No surprise that these deeply held negative feelings are central to the recent (also unprecedented) plunge in congressional productivity. The past three Congresses have gotten less done than any since scholars began measuring congressional productivity. In Why Washington Won’t Work, Marc J. Hetherington and Thomas J. Rudolph argue that a contemporary crisis of trust—people whose party is out of power have almost no trust in a government run by the other side—has deadlocked Congress. On most issues, party leaders can convince their own party to support their positions. In order to pass legislation, however, they must also create consensus by persuading some portion of the opposing party to trust in their vision for the future. Without trust, consensus fails to develop and compromise does not occur. Up until recently, such trust could still usually be found among the opposition, but not anymore. Political trust, the authors show, is far from a stable characteristic. It’s actually highly variable and contingent on a variety of factors, including whether one’s party is in control, which part of the government one is dealing with, and which policies or events are most salient at the moment. Political trust increases, for example, when the public is concerned with foreign policy—as in times of war—and it decreases in periods of weak economic performance. Hetherington and Rudolph do offer some suggestions about steps politicians and the public might take to increase political trust. Ultimately, however, they conclude that it is unlikely levels of political trust will significantly increase unless foreign concerns come to dominate and the economy is consistently strong.




The Gallup Poll


Book Description

This work is the only complete compilation of polls taken by the Gallup Organization, the world's most reliable and widely quoted research firm, in calendar year 2016. It is an invaluable tool for ascertaining the pulse of American public opinion as it evolves over the course of a given year, and—over time—documents changing public perceptions of crucial political, economic, and societal issues. It is a necessity for any social science research.




The Urban Community


Book Description

Part of the Sociology of the City series, originally published in 1959, this volume looks at the urban community bringing together rural and urban sociology. It advises that areas need to be looked at in terms the way of the life of the inhabitants and not by size and that urban sociology needs to assume a more global perspective, not just locally.




The Corporation Journal


Book Description

Provides a brief digest of the significant current decisions of the courts, and the reguations, rulings or opinions of official bodies, which have a baering on the organization, maintainance, conduct, regulation or taxation of business corporations.




The Power Broker


Book Description

PULITZER PRIZE WINNER • A modern American classic, this huge and galvanizing biography of Robert Moses reveals not only the saga of one man’s incredible accumulation of power but the story of his shaping (and mis-shaping) of twentieth-century New York. One of the Modern Library’s hundred greatest books of the twentieth century, Robert Caro's monumental book makes public what few outsiders knew: that Robert Moses was the single most powerful man of his time in the City and in the State of New York. And in telling the Moses story, Caro both opens up to an unprecedented degree the way in which politics really happens—the way things really get done in America's City Halls and Statehouses—and brings to light a bonanza of vital information about such national figures as Alfred E. Smith and Franklin D. Roosevelt (and the genesis of their blood feud), about Fiorello La Guardia, John V. Lindsay and Nelson Rockefeller. But The Power Broker is first and foremost a brilliant multidimensional portrait of a man—an extraordinary man who, denied power within the normal framework of the democratic process, stepped outside that framework to grasp power sufficient to shape a great city and to hold sway over the very texture of millions of lives. We see how Moses began: the handsome, intellectual young heir to the world of Our Crowd, an idealist. How, rebuffed by the entrenched political establishment, he fought for the power to accomplish his ideals. How he first created a miraculous flowering of parks and parkways, playlands and beaches—and then ultimately brought down on the city the smog-choked aridity of our urban landscape, the endless miles of (never sufficient) highway, the hopeless sprawl of Long Island, the massive failures of public housing, and countless other barriers to humane living. How, inevitably, the accumulation of power became an end in itself. Moses built an empire and lived like an emperor. He was held in fear—his dossiers could disgorge the dark secret of anyone who opposed him. He was, he claimed, above politics, above deals; and through decade after decade, the newspapers and the public believed. Meanwhile, he was developing his public authorities into a fourth branch of government known as "Triborough"—a government whose records were closed to the public, whose policies and plans were decided not by voters or elected officials but solely by Moses—an immense economic force directing pressure on labor unions, on banks, on all the city's political and economic institutions, and on the press, and on the Church. He doled out millions of dollars' worth of legal fees, insurance commissions, lucrative contracts on the basis of who could best pay him back in the only coin he coveted: power. He dominated the politics and politicians of his time—without ever having been elected to any office. He was, in essence, above our democratic system. Robert Moses held power in the state for 44 years, through the governorships of Smith, Roosevelt, Lehman, Dewey, Harriman and Rockefeller, and in the city for 34 years, through the mayoralties of La Guardia, O'Dwyer, Impellitteri, Wagner and Lindsay, He personally conceived and carried through public works costing 27 billion dollars—he was undoubtedly America's greatest builder. This is how he built and dominated New York—before, finally, he was stripped of his reputation (by the press) and his power (by Nelson Rockefeller). But his work, and his will, had been done.




Hearings


Book Description