Identity and Ideology in Haiti


Book Description

Using a structurationist, phenomenological structuralism understanding of practical consciousness constitution as derived from what the author calls Haitian epistemology, Haitian/Vilokan Idealism, this book explores the nature and origins of the contemporary Haitian oppositional protest cry, "the children of Pétion v. the children of Dessalines." Although traditionally viewed within racial terms – the mulatto elites v. the African (black) poor majority – Mocombe suggests that the metaphor, contemporarily, as utilized by the educated black grandon class (middle-class bourgeois blacks) has come to represent Marxist categories for racial-class (nationalistic) struggles on the island of Haiti within the capitalist world-system under American hegemony. The ideological position of Pétion represents the neoliberal views of the mulatto/Arab elites and petit-bourgeois blacks; and nationalism, economic reform, and social justice represent the ideological and nationalistic positions of Dessalines as articulated by the grandon, actual children of Toussaint Louverture, seeking to speak for the African majority (the children of Sans Souci, the Congolese-born general of the Haitian Revolution) whose practical consciousness, the Vodou Ethic and the spirit of communism, differ from both the children of Dessalines and Pétion. In the final analysis, the moniker is a truncated understanding of Haitian identity constitution, ideologies, and their oppositions.




Identity and Ideology in the Haitian U.S. Diaspora


Book Description

This work puts forth the argument that, in the Haitian diaspora in the USA, a new Haitian identity has emerged among the youth, which is tied to the practical consciousness of the black American underclass. Black Americans in the postindustrial capitalist world-system of America are no longer Africans. Instead, their practical consciousnesses are the product of two identities: the black bourgeoisie, or African Americans, on the one hand, under the leadership of educated professionals and preachers, and the black underclass, on the other hand, under the leadership of street and prison personalities, athletes, and entertainers vying for ideological and linguistic domination of black America. These two social class language games were, and still are, historically constituted by structural differentiation and different ideological apparatuses, the church and education on the one hand and the streets, prisons, and the athletic and entertainment industries on the other, of the global capitalist racial-class structure of inequality under American hegemony, which replaced the African ideological apparatuses of Vodou, peristyles, lakous, and agricultural production as found in Haiti, for example. Among Haitian youth in the US after 1986, following the topple of Jean-Claude “baby doc” Duvalier, the latter social class language game, the black American underclass, came to serve as the bearer of ideological and linguistic domination against Haitian bourgeois purposive-rationality, and agents of the Vodou Ethic and the spirit of communism.




Georges Woke Up Laughing


Book Description

DIVA study of how migrants adapt to their new country while still maintaining ties to the old with an emphasis on Haitian migrants to the US./div







The Black Republic


Book Description

In The Black Republic, Brandon R. Byrd explores the ambivalent attitudes that African American leaders in the post-Civil War era held toward Haiti, the first and only black republic in the Western Hemisphere. Following emancipation, African American leaders of all kinds—politicians, journalists, ministers, writers, educators, artists, and diplomats—identified new and urgent connections with Haiti, a nation long understood as an example of black self-determination. They celebrated not only its diplomatic recognition by the United States but also the renewed relevance of the Haitian Revolution. While a number of African American leaders defended the sovereignty of a black republic whose fate they saw as intertwined with their own, others expressed concern over Haiti's fitness as a model black republic, scrutinizing whether the nation truly reflected the "civilized" progress of the black race. Influenced by the imperialist rhetoric of their day, many African Americans across the political spectrum espoused a politics of racial uplift, taking responsibility for the "improvement" of Haitian education, politics, culture, and society. They considered Haiti an uncertain experiment in black self-governance: it might succeed and vindicate the capabilities of African Americans demanding their own right to self-determination or it might fail and condemn the black diasporic population to second-class status for the foreseeable future. When the United States military occupied Haiti in 1915, it created a crisis for W. E. B. Du Bois and other black activists and intellectuals who had long grappled with the meaning of Haitian independence. The resulting demand for and idea of a liberated Haiti became a cornerstone of the anticapitalist, anticolonial, and antiracist radical black internationalism that flourished between World War I and World War II. Spanning the Reconstruction, post-Reconstruction, and Jim Crow eras, The Black Republic recovers a crucial and overlooked chapter of African American internationalism and political thought.




Neo-colonial Elites’ Linguistic Violence and Monolingual Haitian Creole Speakers


Book Description

Language is a very complex matter in Haiti. One of the most pressing issues related to language in Haiti is the aspect of violence. The violence that exists through linguistic means in Haiti today has for its basis the same mechanism that existed during the colonial era in Haiti. The same western concept of colonial social dualities, and unequal distribution of esteemed associates to African and European cultures are still at the forefront of linguistic violence. The only difference being that those ideas of colonial superiority, which informed those recurring acts of violence, are now self-imposed.In Haiti, the nature and effects of linguistic violence are both unique and complex. Linguistic violence occurs within an array of mechanisms that blur the property of real violence between victims and perpetrators. The utilization of languages, as an instrument of violence, camouflaged class inequality, colorism, institutional corruption, and other aspects that dent the possibility of positive Haitian development and liberation. Looking at the peculiarity of language in Haiti, this thesis argued two points. First, language is politicized, and language politics is an elitist instrument for power. Second, linguistic instrumentalization becomes violent, and linguistic violence occurs within three invisible mechanisms that sustain power for the elite sector of the population. Those mechanisms are the symbolic, the collective, and the structural aspects of language. These spurious properties of language allow classes, color complexion, and other means of discrimination to operate covertly.It is within that framework of linguistic complexity and intersectionality that this thesis seeks to place language and violence in Haiti. By taking into account the historical context of language pluralism in Haiti, I argue that language, aside from its primary purpose of communication, has had and is still having damaging effects on Haitian society when it comes to the ulterior objectives and motives it has been used for since the start of colonial adventurism in Haiti by the ruling class.




Reinterpreting the Haitian Revolution and Its Cultural Aftershocks


Book Description

''Based on papers presented at a conference organized and held at the University of the West Indies, St Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago, June 2004 - Introduction.''







Tree of Liberty


Book Description

On January 1, 1804, Jean-Jacques Dessalines declared the independence of Haiti, thus bringing to an end the only successful slave revolution in history and transforming the colony of Saint-Domingue into the second independent state in the Western Hemisphere. The historical significance of the Haitian Revolution has been addressed by numerous scholars, but the importance of the Revolution as a cultural and political phenomenon has only begun to be explored. Although the path-breaking work of Michel-Rolph Trouillot and Sibylle Fischer has illustrated the profound silences surrounding the Haitian Revolution in Western historiography and in Caribbean cultural production in the aftermath of the Revolution, contributors to this volume argue that, while suppressed and disavowed in some quarters, the Haitian Revolution nonetheless had an enduring cultural and political impact, particularly on peoples and communities that have been marginalized in the historical record and absent from the discourses of Western historiography. Tree of Liberty interrogates the literary, historical, and political discourses that the Revolution produced and inspired across time and space and across national and linguistic boundaries. In so doing, it seeks to initiate a far-reaching discussion of the Revolution as a cultural and political phenomenon that shaped ideas about the Enlightenment, freedom, postcolonialism, and race in the modern Atlantic world. Contributors: A. James Arnold, University of Virginia * Chris Bongie, Queen's University * Paul Breslin, Northwestern University * Ada Ferrer, New York University * Doris L. Garraway, Northwestern University * E. Anthony Hurley, SUNY Stony Brook * Deborah Jenson, University of Wisconsin, Madison * Jean Jonassaint, Syracuse University * Valerie Kaussen, University of Missouri * Ifeoma C.K. Nwankwo, Vanderbilt University




Cultural Identity in "Krik Krak" by Edwidge Danticat


Book Description

Seminar paper from the year 2002 in the subject American Studies - Literature, grade: 1,0, Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz (Seminar für Englische Philologie: Forschungs- und Lehrbereich Amerikanistik), course: Culture Studies IV: Key Concepts in Culture Studies, language: English, abstract: Krik? Krak!by the Haitian author Edwidge Danticat is a collection of short stories that has received wide recognition on the international book market and in literary circles. Danticat, who has already been awarded many literary prices in her young career, presents her native country Haiti in many facets, thereby conveying an impression of its beauty and cultural richness with all the positive and negative aspects. The title of the collection refers to “the Haitian tradition of the storyteller calling out ‘Krik?’ and willing listeners gathering around and answering ‘Krak’” (Atanasoski), which already suggests the importance of stories in Haitian culture, and furthermore hints at the Haitian way of life.Krik? Krak!offers a fascinating approach to this Haitian culture and the tradition of story-telling. Furthermore, the reader gains an insight into Haitian reality from very different, though mainly female, perspectives; Danticat’s writings emphasize the experience of Haitian women from all social levels. All short stories inKrik? Krak!present interesting aspects of Haitian culture, but I have decided to refer exclusively to the last short story of the collection, “Caroline’s Wedding.” In contrast to the other short stories, the plot of “Caroline’s Wedding” takes place in the U.S., introducing to the reader a Haitian immigrant family living in New York. Apparently, the immigrant experience is central to many of Danticat’s writings. Beyond this, “Caroline’s Wedding” reflects on Haiti’s culture from a distinct cultural setting, which makes the story very suitable for an examination of cultural identity. Generally, in order to understand why so many Haitians emigrate from their home country, and to understand Danticat’s allusions to incidents of the past, some information about Haiti’s history might be helpful. Moreover, the impact of the immigrant experience on Danticat’s life will be pointed out by giving some information about her biographical background. In “Caroline’s Wedding,” Danticat touches upon many aspects of the immigrants’ situation in a foreign country, but the question of identity is certainly central to it. The story deals with three women who represent different stages of naturalization in the U.S., and different levels of identification with the U.S. and Haiti.