Incomplete Democracy


Book Description

One of Latin America's leading sociologists, Manuel Antonio Garreton explores contemporary challenges to democratization in Latin America in this work originally published in Spanish in 1995. He pays particular attention to the example of Chile, analyzing the country's return to democracy and its hopes for continued prosperity following the 1973 coup that overthrew democratically elected president Salvador Allende. Garreton contends that the period of democratic crisis and authoritarian rule that characterized much of Latin America in the 1960s and 1970s was symptomatic of a larger breakdown in the way society and government worked. A new era emerged in Chile at the end of the twentieth century, Garreton argues--an era that partakes of the great changes afoot in the larger world. This edition updates Garreton's analysis of developments in Chile, considering the administration of current president Ricardo Lagos. The author concludes with an exploration of future prospects for democracy in Latin America.




Incomplete Democracy


Book Description

Democracy does not end at the national level. State and local governments have the potential tobe enclaves of authoritarianism or bastions of democracy. In subnational authoritarian enclaves(SAEs), such as Oaxaca in Mexico, Bahia in Brazil, or the US south after the Civil War, incumbentsmaintain power over time using undemocratic tactics including fraud, institutional manipulation,corruption, and repression. This dissertation focuses on whether the active underminingof democratic values at the subnational level influences citizen support for and satisfaction withdemocracy. This topic has received surprisingly little attention given that voters experience theirpolitical regime first and foremost through the actions of subnational government. I argue thatsubnational authoritarianism has the potential to affect citizen opinions about democracy both directly,via learning and regime juxtaposition, and indirectly via its effect on state economic andpolitical performance. I test these various theoretical mechanisms using a mixed-methods researchdesign. I combine a large-N cross-national analysis with a comparative case study focusing on twocontrasting states in Brazil. For the large-N design, I develop an original cross-national measure ofsubnational authoritarianism for the states of 12 federal democracies from 1980 until today. I combinethis with data from the World Values Survey measuring citizen attitudes about democracy.For the comparative case study, I traveled to the state capitals of Rio Grande do Sul and Bahia,Brazil. I interviewed state party and government officials, journalists and NGO representatives inboth states. The results of this mixed-methods design suggest that subnational authoritarianismcan influence citizen opinions about democracy, but that the theoretical mechanisms connectingthe two are potentially more nuanced than initially proposed.




Incomplete Democracy


Book Description

Sociologist Manuel Antonio Garreton discusses contemporary challenges to democratization in Latin America in this work. He pays particular attention to the example of Chile, analysing the country's return to democracy and its hopes for continued prosperity following the 1973 coup.




Electing to Fight


Book Description

Does the spread of democracy really contribute to international peace? Successive U. S. administrations have justified various policies intended to promote democracy not only by arguing that democracy is intrinsically good but by pointing to a wide range of research concluding that democracies rarely, if ever, go to war with one another. To promote democracy, the United States has provided economic assistance, political support, and technical advice to emerging democracies in Eastern and Central Europe, and it has attempted to remove undemocratic regimes through political pressure, economic sanctions, and military force. In Electing to Fight, Edward Mansfield and Jack Snyder challenge the widely accepted basis of these policies by arguing that states in the early phases of transitions to democracy are more likely than other states to become involved in war. Drawing on both qualitative and quantitative analysis, Mansfield and Snyder show that emerging democracies with weak political institutions are especially likely to go to war. Leaders of these countries attempt to rally support by invoking external threats and resorting to belligerent, nationalist rhetoric. Mansfield and Snyder point to this pattern in cases ranging from revolutionary France to contemporary Russia. Because the risk of a state's being involved in violent conflict is high until democracy is fully consolidated, Mansfield and Snyder argue, the best way to promote democracy is to begin by building the institutions that democracy requires—such as the rule of law—and only then encouraging mass political participation and elections. Readers will find this argument particularly relevant to prevailing concerns about the transitional government in Iraq. Electing to Fight also calls into question the wisdom of urging early elections elsewhere in the Islamic world and in China.




Incomplete Democracies in the Asia-Pacific


Book Description

This collection presents a varied picture of the state of democracy in Asia, revealing unique findings from a project entitled the 'Asia Democracy Initiative' which explored the role of ordinary people in democratization through the rise of expressive social values in Indonesia, South Korea, the Philippines and Thailand.




The Unfinished American Project


Book Description

This book delves into democratic deficiencies in the United States federal government, especially those that disenfranchise minority communities. It highlights key contemporary and persistent challenges to American democracy, examines them in their historical context, and proposes reforms to remedy them. It will serve as unique secondary text for US government & politics, African American racial & ethnic politics, and public policy courses.




Democracy and Political Ignorance


Book Description

One of the biggest problems with modern democracy is that most of the public is usually ignorant of politics and government. Often, many people understand that their votes are unlikely to change the outcome of an election and don't see the point in learning much about politics. This may be rational, but it creates a nation of people with little political knowledge and little ability to objectively evaluate what they do know. In Democracy and Political Ignorance, Ilya Somin mines the depths of ignorance in America and reveals the extent to which it is a major problem for democracy. Somin weighs various options for solving this problem, arguing that political ignorance is best mitigated and its effects lessened by decentralizing and limiting government. Somin provocatively argues that people make better decisions when they choose what to purchase in the market or which state or local government to live under, than when they vote at the ballot box, because they have stronger incentives to acquire relevant information and to use it wisely.




Is Democracy Exportable?


Book Description

This books explains the normative and empirical issues behind the concept known as 'democracy promotion'.




Democratic Equilibrium


Book Description

Democratic Equilibrium: The Supply and Demand of Democracy defines a model for political change, change that results in either an increase or decrease in democracy. The book presents a model that builds upon the existing literature to bridge several major gaps in political change theory. This book provides a holistic supply and demand model that draws upon works from political science, economics, and history. The work conducts an econometric test of the model and validates the results with field research cases from Mexico, the Philippines, and Senegal. The econometric chapter is a rare quantitative analysis of the effects of violence and development upon democracy. This topic is central to contemporary academic and policy debates about how to create democracies, consolidate democracies, achieve development and improve security, especially within developing countries. This topic is especially timely as the Arab Spring represents a unique opportunity and challenge for democratic change across the Middle East and North Africa. Recent events in Tunisia and Egypt demonstrate that democracy studies remain just as relevant today as they were twenty years ago. The findings indicate that common structural explanations of democracy are incomplete since the structural relationships are not stable or constant over time. Instead, democratic change (or lack thereof) can be explained using a supply and demand model. Key actors (including the military, political parties, NGOs, the ruling regime, and civil society) are the suppliers and consumers that determine a country’s resulting level of democracy. However, stating that actors are important is a major over-simplification. Each key actor builds preferences based upon a variety of factors, most importantly: security, income, and the adoption of democratic norms. It is this key dynamic that explains why insurgency, poverty, and under-development do not have a linearly negative effect on democracy. Instead, these factors have a centripetal effect on political development, pulling a country’s government towards an intermediate state of political transition in which regimes stagnate in a partially democratic, partially autocratic regime type. Conversely, the model also explains why high income, democratic norms, and security do not necessarily lead to democratization in all cases.




Incomplete Transition


Book Description

During the Cold War, a series of coups in Latin America resulted in a new form of military rule-the national security state-in which the armed forces ruled as an institution and drastically transformed state and society to conform to a messianic vision of national security. This book examines the lasting impact of institutionalized military power on Argentine state and society and the structural legacies of the national security state. Despite important steps toward democracy in the 1980s, security and intelligence forces acted to block democratizing measures and shape the emerging political system.