Indonesia’s Failure in Papua


Book Description

Chairullah investigates how the political, social, and economic interests of national and local elites were negotiated in the formulation and early stages of Special Autonomy in Papua Province, Indonesia. The Papuan case lends support to the current conception of elite theory, which considers the influence of actors and dynamics beyond power elites in the decision-making process. The failure of the policy implementation as a conflict reduction strategy in the Papuan case can be attributed to the dynamics of elite configurations during the negotiation and early implementation stages. Chairullah presents two significant new findings for research on Papuan Special Autonomy. Firstly, that secret negotiations were held between Papuan and national elites during Abdurrahman Wahid’s presidency, and these were crucial in reducing separatist sentiment in Papua. Secondly, that the United States, through Freeport McMoRan, strongly influenced the Special Autonomy negotiation process. The actions of national elites in Jakarta led to widespread disappointment about the policy at all levels in Papua and the subsequent escalation of separatist sentiment based on Papuan ethnic identity. An important book for scholars of Indonesian politics and society, and especially those with a particular interest in the Papuan conflict.




Papua Road Map


Book Description

The sources of the Papua conflict are grouped into four sets of issues. First, is the problem of the marginalization of indigenous Papuans, and the discriminatory impacts on them resulting from the economic development of, political conflicts in, and mass migrations to Papua since 1970. To respond to this problem, an affirmative policy of recognition must be developed to empower indigenous Papuans. The second issue is the failure of development, particularly in the fields of education, health, and people's economic empowerment. This requires a new paradigm of development, focused on improving public services for the welfare of indigenous Papuans in the villages. The third main problem is the contradictions that exist between Papuan and Jakartan constructions of political identity and history. This problem can only be settled through dialogue, along the lines of the dialogue that was conducted for Aceh. The fourth issue is accountability for past state violence toward Indonesian citizens in Papua. For this, a road to reconciliation must be cleared, on which courts of human rights and the disclosure of the truth are the means of choice for law and justice to be upheld in Papua, for the victims and their families in particular, and all Indonesian citizens of Papua in general. The above four issues and agendas can be woven together to form a mutually interrelated policy strategy for comprehensive long-term resolution of the Papuan conflict. The atmosphere of Reformasi, and the existence of the accommodative Law No. 21/2001 on Special Autonomy (UU Otsus), a responsive central government, as well as the very large size of Papua's budget, lead the LIPI team to have faith that the problems of Papua can be resolved with justice, peace and dignity.




Papua's Insecurity: State Failure in the Indonesian Periphery


Book Description

West Papua is the most violent area of Indonesia. Indonesian security forces battle the country's last active separatist insurgency there. The majority of Indonesia's political prisoners are Papuans, and support for independence is widespread. But military repression and indigenous resistance are only one part of a complex topography of insecurity in Papua: vigilantism, clan conflict, and other forms of horizontal violence produce more casualties than the vertical conflict that is often the exclusive focus of international accounts of contemporary Papua. Similarly, Papua's coerced incorporation into Indonesia in 1969 is not unique; it mirrors a pattern of long-term annexation found in other remote and highland areas of South and Southeast Asia. What distinguishes Papua is the near-total absence of the state in indigenous areas. This is the consequence of a morass of policy dysfunction over time that compounds the insecurity that ordinary Papuans face. The author illuminates the diverse and local sources of insecurity that indicate too little state as opposed to too much, challenges common perceptions of insecurity in Papua, and offers a prescription of policy initiatives. These include the reform of a violent and unaccountable security sector as a part of a broader reconciliation process and the urgent need for a comprehensive indigenous-centered development policy.







The Implementation of Special Autonomy in West Papua, Indonesia


Book Description

West Papua in the easternmost area of Indonesia has long been recognized as one of its most controversial provinces. Since its integration into the Republic of Indonesia in 1969, recurring controversy has colored many aspects of West Papuans' everyday lives and the province's relationship to the rest of Indonesia. The problems in West Papua are rooted in the way that it was originally integrated, which, according to some scholars, is "unacceptable". They argue that the Indonesian government manipulated the self-determination process and its results. The government, however, has always denied this claim, noting in its legal argumentation, for instance, the involvement of the United Nations and the international community in the process of self-determination, known as "The Act of Free Choice." Far from being resolved, the problems in West Papua have been exacerbated by the Indonesian government's policies, which rely heavily on a strict security approach in an effort to suppress the secessionist movement. As part of its attempt to address the problems comprehensively, the Indonesian government introduced a "special autonomy" bill for West Papua in late 2001. The bill, which was drafted mostly by indigenous West Papuans, passed the Indonesian parliament as Law No. 21 in November. Implementation of the law, however, has not worked as expected. Many of the law's requirements either have not been implemented or have been only minimally implemented, even five years after the law's promulgation. As a result, West Papuans have become increasingly skeptical and cynical about the government's promises. Obviously, the Indonesian government must deal with and resolve the problems inherent in the implementation of the law's requirements. This thesis addresses some of those problems and provides recommendations for potential solutions.




Irian Jaya under the Gun


Book Description

Jim Elmslie traces events in Irian Jaya/West Papua from the departure of the Dutch in 1963 to December 1999. The majority of the indigenous people of the area consider themselves West Papuans living in the land of West Papua, a country incorporated into the Indonesian state without their consent or approval. Made up of Melanesian peoples, the western part of New Guinea is one of the least developed places on earth with the largest expanses outside the Amazon of untouched and, in some cases still unexplored, rainforest and wilderness. It is a region ripe for economic exploitation. Irian Jaya under the Gun chronicles the rapid changes that are taking place under the guise of Indonesian economic development and its generally pro-crony, pro-military, pro-multinational corporation, and anti-Papuan thrust. It describes what can happen to an indigenous population when insensitive governments and avaricious multinationals are more concerned about profits than the environment or the people inhabiting the land.




West Papua & Indonesia Since Suharto


Book Description

This book reviews the long guerilla struggle of the 'Organisasi Papua Merdeka' (OPM) for a Free Papua, and traces the rise of a non-violent independence movement alongside it, the Papua Council, following the fall from power of Indonesia’s military dictator, General Suharto, in 1998.




Indonesia


Book Description

Everything suggests that there is going to be more violence in Papua unless the government can produce a policy change that will have an immediate and visible impact on how ordinary Papuans are treated on a daily basis. For all the talk that has been devoted to the failures of Papuan special autonomy, both the central government and Papuan representatives bear responsibility for failing to enact the implementing regulations that might give it more of a chance. Ultimately the answer has to lie in local government that is more, rather than less, representative and working with, rather than undermining, local representative institutions. Good local government in Papua, as elsewhere in Indonesia, is key to preventing, managing and resolving conflict. Some urgent measures to improve security policy are needed from Jakarta, but Papuan officials have a critical role as well.




The New Pacific Diplomacy


Book Description

Since 2009 there has been a fundamental shift in the way that the Pacific Island states engage with regional and world politics. The region has experienced, what Kiribati President Anote Tong has aptly called, a ‘paradigm shift’ in ideas about how Pacific diplomacy should be organised, and on what principles it should operate. Many leaders have called for a heightened Pacific voice in global affairs and a new commitment to establishing Pacific Island control of this diplomatic process. This change in thinking has been expressed in the establishment of new channels and arenas for Pacific diplomacy at the regional and global levels and new ways of connecting the two levels through active use of intermediate diplomatic associations. The New Pacific Diplomacy brings together a range of analyses and perspectives on these dramatic new developments in Pacific diplomacy at sub-regional, regional and global levels, and in the key sectors of global negotiation for Pacific states – fisheries, climate change, decolonisation, and trade.