Letters From John Quincy Adams to His Constituents of the Twelfth Congressional District in Massachusetts


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Excerpt from Letters From John Quincy Adams to His Constituents of the Twelfth Congressional District in Massachusetts: To Which Is Added His Speech in Congress, Delivered February 9, 1837 I considered, as I stated in my address of the Slst of January, the system of action of the House upon the abo lition petitions as settled for the remainder of the session. But between that and the next day for receiving petitions, Monday, the 6th of February, I received thirty petitions, among which were two which came to me by the mail, postmarked Fredericksburg, Virginia; one of them signed by nine names of women, in various hand-writing; some of them good, none of illiterate appearance. It prayed not for the abolition of slavery, but that. Congress would put a step to the slave-trade in the District of Columbia. It was accompanied by a letter signed by one of the names subscribed to the petition, requesting me to present it. The other purported to be from twenty-two slaves, sub scribed so as to have every appearance of being genuine; the first name being in a hand-writing not absolutely bad, and subscribed also alone to a letter requesting me to pre sent the petition. I believed the petition signed by female names to be genuine, and did not believe them to be names offree negroes or mulattoes; but had I known them to be such, that would not have deterred me from presenting it; the object of it being not only proper in itself, but lauda ble, and eminently fit for subscription by virtuous women of any color or complexion. I had suspicions that the other, purporting to be from slaves, came really from the hand of a master, who had prevailed on his slaves to sign it, that they might have the, appearance of imploring the members from the North to cease offering petitions for their emancipation, which could have no other tendency than to aggravate their servitude, and of being so impatient under the operation of petitions in their favor, as to pray that the northern members who should persist in present ing them should be expelled. Intimations of the same de sire had already been manifested in quarters very remote from servitude, and not even professors of servility. They had been seen in a newspaper of this city, professedly de voted to the pure coinage of democracy from the mint of Van, Buren and Rives, against the counterfeit currency of Benton and Amos Kendall. The Albany Argus itself, a paper known to be under the same infldences, had la mented that the Massachusetts madman should be permit ted, week after week, - to do what? To persist in presenting abolition petitions! This was the head and front of my offending; and for this alone, the petition from slaves, for my expulsion from the House, was but the echo of the distinct and explicit call from the Albany Argus and the Van Buren and Rives's Washingtonian. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.




Letters from John Quincy Adams to His Constituents of the Twelfth Congressional District in Massachusetts. to Which Is Added His Speech in Congress, D


Book Description

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.




Letters from John Quincy Adams to His Constituents of the Twelfth Congressional District in Massachusetts. to Which Is Added His Speech in Congress, D


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This is a reproduction of a book published before 1923. This book may have occasional imperfections such as missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. that were either part of the original artifact, or were introduced by the scanning process. We believe this work is culturally important, and despite the imperfections, have elected to bring it back into print as part of our continuing commitment to the preservation of printed works worldwide. We appreciate your understanding of the imperfections in the preservation process, and hope you enjoy this valuable book.







Letters From John Quincy Adams to His Constituents to the Twelfth Congressional District in Massachusetts


Book Description

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.







The Problem of Democracy


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"Told with authority and style. . . Crisply summarizing the Adamses' legacy, the authors stress principle over partisanship."--The Wall Street Journal How the father and son presidents foresaw the rise of the cult of personality and fought those who sought to abuse the weaknesses inherent in our democracy. Until now, no one has properly dissected the intertwined lives of the second and sixth (father and son) presidents. John and John Quincy Adams were brilliant, prickly politicians and arguably the most independently minded among leaders of the founding generation. Distrustful of blind allegiance to a political party, they brought a healthy skepticism of a brand-new system of government to the country's first 50 years. They were unpopular for their fears of the potential for demagoguery lurking in democracy, and--in a twist that predicted the turn of twenty-first century politics--they warned against, but were unable to stop, the seductive appeal of political celebrities Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson. In a bold recasting of the Adamses' historical roles, The Problem of Democracy is a major critique of the ways in which their prophetic warnings have been systematically ignored over the centuries. It's also an intimate family drama that brings out the torment and personal hurt caused by the gritty conduct of early American politics. Burstein and Isenberg make sense of the presidents' somewhat iconoclastic, highly creative engagement with America's political and social realities. By taking the temperature of American democracy, from its heated origins through multiple upheavals, the authors reveal the dangers and weaknesses that have been present since the beginning. They provide a clear-eyed look at a decoy democracy that masks the reality of elite rule while remaining open, since the days of George Washington, to a very undemocratic result in the formation of a cult surrounding the person of an elected leader.







John Quincy Adams and the Gag Rule, 1835–1850


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Examining the congressional debates on antislavery petitions before the Civil War. Passed by the House of Representatives at the start of the 1836 session, the gag rule rejected all petitions against slavery, effectively forbidding Congress from addressing the antislavery issue until it was rescinded in late 1844. In the Senate, a similar rule lasted until 1850. Strongly supported by all southern and some northern Democratic congressmen, the gag rule became a proxy defense of slavery’s morality and economic value in the face of growing pro-abolition sentiment. In John Quincy Adams and the Gag Rule, 1835–1850, Peter Charles Hoffer transports readers to Washington, DC, in the period before the Civil War to contextualize the heated debates surrounding the rule. At first, Hoffer explains, only a few members of Congress objected to the rule. These antislavery representatives argued strongly for the reception and reading of incoming abolitionist petitions. When they encountered an almost uniformly hostile audience, however, John Quincy Adams took a different tack. He saw the effort to gag the petitioners as a violation of their constitutional rights. Adams’s campaign to lift the gag rule, joined each year by more and more northern members of Congress, revealed how the slavery issue promoted a virulent sectionalism and ultimately played a part in southern secession and the Civil War. A lively narrative intended for history classrooms and anyone interested in abolitionism, slavery, Congress, and the coming of the Civil War, John Quincy Adams and the Gag Rule, 1835–1850, vividly portrays the importance of the political machinations and debates that colored the age.