Research and development, Title II


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1984: Civil Liberties and the National Security State


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Department of Defense appropriations for 1985


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Scientific Communication and National Security


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The military, political, and economic preeminence of the United States during the post-World War II era is based to a substantial degree on its superior rate of achievement in science and technology, as well as on its capacity to translate these achievements into products and processes that contribute to economic prosperity and the national defense. The success of the U.S. scientific enterprise has been facilitated by many factors, important among them the opportunity for American scientists and engineers to pursue their research-and to communicate with each other-in a free and open environment. During the last two administrations, however, concern has arisen that the characteristically open U.S. scientific community has served as one of the channels through which critical information and know-how are flowing to the Soviet Union and to other potential adversary countries; openness in science is thus perceived to present short-term national security risks in addition to its longer-term national security benefits in improved U.S. military technology. The Panel on Scientific Communication and National Security was asked to examine the various aspects of the application of controls to scientific communication and to suggest how to balance competing national objectives so as to best serve the general welfare. The Panel held three two-day meetings in Washington at which it was briefed by representatives of the departments of Defense, State, and Commerce, and by representatives of the intelligence community, including the Central Intelligence Agency, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Defense Intelligence Agency, and the National Security Agency. The Panel also heard presentations by members of the research community and by university representatives. In addition to these briefings, the Rand Corporation prepared an independent analysis of the transfer of sensitive technology from the United States to the Soviet Union. To determine the views of scientists and administrators at major research universities, the Panel asked a group of faculty members and administrative officials at Cornell University to prepare a paper incorporating their own views and those of counterparts at other universities. The main thrust of the Panel's findings is completely reflected in this document. However, the Panel has also produced a classified version of the subpanel report based on the secret intelligence information it was given; this statement is available at the Academy to those with the appropriate security clearance.




The Politics Of East-west Trade


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Trade and technology transfer have come to occupy a major role in Soviet-American relations. Twice in recent years embargoes have been imposed on the sale of U.S. high technology to the U.S.S.R., and these sanctions have had wide-ranging political and economic consequences in the Soviet Union, Europe, and the United States. The Politics of East-West Trade draws together leading U.S. and European scholars, government officials, and businesspeople to explore the complex issues arising from U.S. trade policies toward the Soviet Union. The book begins with an assessment of the degree to which the Soviet economy is dependent on Western technology imports. In subsequent chapters, in addition to assessing the general nature and volume of U. S .-U. S. S .R. trade, the contributors consider the extent to which Western technology has helped or hindered Soviet economic and technological growth; the specific impact of U.S. trade sanctions in four critical sectors (computers, energy, agriculture, and defense); and the impact in the West of U.S. trade policies (for example, recent embargoes have resulted in the loss of several billion dollars in U.S. equipment and commodity sales to the U.S.S.R.). Examining the serious strains that differences over East-West trade policy have put on U.S. relations with its West European allies, the authors conclude that there are tangible limits on the ability of the United States to use technology trade as leverage to alter Soviet policies.