SPEECH OF MR W E FORSTER M P O


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Speech of Mr. W. E. Forster, M. P., On the Slaveholders' Rebellion


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Excerpt from Speech of Mr. W. E. Forster, M. P., On the Slaveholders' Rebellion: And Professor Goldwin Smith's Letter on the Morality of the Emancipation Proclamation Mn. W. E. Forster, M. P., was received with enthusiastic cheering, and after a few introductory remarks referring to the misunderstanding which existed upon the question of the present struggle, and to the fear that another evil inight be added to it leading to a difference between England and America, he said Just allow me to say one or two words upon this misunderstanding in both Countries. First, as regards ourselves. I think that a great deal of ill-feeling - which I am sorry to see - exists in America, arises from a con sciousness, and in some measure a right-founded consciousness, on their part, that we misconceive this great struggle in. Its very principle and in its foun dation, and that We have, if I may so speak, underrated it. (hear, hear.) I do not mean that we underrate it in point of the numbers engaged in it. We are quite impressed with the tremendous extent to which the war is carried on. In point of numbers it is greater than almost any other civil war in any age. (hear, hear.) We are aware also of the immense sufi'erings which it has caused in America, and which it has caused also in our own country 3 and we are aware of the tremendous loss of life and money; but many of us, I regret to say, are not alive to the tremendous importance of the principle which is at stake - (cheers)-which is, if I may put it in just one sentence, simply this, whether, upon'the continent of America the principle of slavery or the principle of freedom shall predominate. (cheers) N ow look back at history, and can you put your finger upon any war that was ever carried on in which a greater question was at stake than that 11 (cheers). Many persons say, Its no use going to hear you you are a strong Federalist. In answer to that I may say that I am not in every sense a Federalist. Ear, hear.) I am not blind to the faults of the North. (h ear, hear.) I am not blind to the inconsistency with which this war has been carried on; nor am I blind to the wprds which some of the statesmen and many of the papers have used tqwards this country. (hear, hear.) But I still remember this, that they are, many of them, it is true, quite u'nconq sciously, yet that they are fighting - and cannot help fighting - the battle for freedom against the Southern Confederacy, who avowedly and determinedly, and without any attempt at concealment, are fighting the battle of slavery. Men tell me I am fanatical upon this question. I do not feel that I owe an apology to an English audience for being fanatical on the question of slavery (hear, hear.) As to whether there shall be liberty in this world, is a ques tion upon which no man can be fanatical. (hear, hear.) Of all political questions which can be brought forward - 11 will say nothing of philanthropic considerations - this question of freedom from slavery is the most important. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.




British Comment on the United States


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This bibliography of more than three thousand entries, often extensively annotated, lists books and pamphlets that illuminate evolving British views on the United States during a period of great change on both sides of the Atlantic. Subjects addressed in various decades include slavery and abolitionism, women's rights, the Civil War, organized labor, economic, cultural, and social behavior, political and religious movements, and the "American" character in general.







The 'Conspiracy' of Free Trade


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Following the Second World War, the United States would become the leading 'neoliberal' proponent of international trade liberalization. Yet for nearly a century before, American foreign trade policy was dominated by extreme economic nationalism. What brought about this pronounced ideological, political, and economic about-face? How did it affect Anglo-American imperialism? What were the repercussions for the global capitalist order? In answering these questions, The 'Conspiracy' of Free Trade offers the first detailed account of the controversial Anglo-American struggle over empire and economic globalization in the mid- to late-nineteenth century. The book reinterprets Anglo-American imperialism through the global interplay between Victorian free-trade cosmopolitanism and economic nationalism, uncovering how imperial expansion and economic integration were mired in political and ideological conflict. Beginning in the 1840s, this conspiratorial struggle over political economy would rip apart the Republican Party, reshape the Democratic Party, and redirect Anglo-American imperial expansion for decades to come.