To what extent rape and sexual violence should be considered a tool of genocide


Book Description

Essay from the year 2014 in the subject Law - Criminal process, Criminology, Law Enforcement, grade: 2.1, University of Lincoln, course: Criminology and History (BA) Hons., language: English, abstract: Rape and sexual violence do not currently stand as separate crimes under international law; instead they are subsumed into the area of crime such as torture, genocide and the grave breaches of the Genocide Convention. As such international law recognises that rape at the least may accompany acts of Genocide and Crimes against Humanity as a tool of genocide. The definition of rape as genocide remains hazy, the ICTR and ICTY have interpreted rape in war conflict in various prosecution cases with different interpretations, this may be because that rape as genocide is a ‘recent occurrence within international law’. Rape is also seen as a product of war, a consequence of war rather than a component of war, as it should be interpreted as. In conflicts such as Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Rwanda, rape should be seen as a tool of genocide because of the deliberate intent of destruction as defined by The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide 1948, specifically Article II (ICRC, Article II). Rape at the very least demonstrates condition (b) of Article II which stipulates that there has been an act of ‘causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group’ (ICRC, Article II). This assertion can be demonstrated in the cases of Rwanda in 1994 and Bosnia-Herzegovina 1990-1994. The emphasis of genocide remains focused on the collective, since there has to be demonstrative proof of intent of destruction of the group not just the individual. Rape however is a personal, individual experience and this complicates judicial responses to defining rape as genocide.




Understanding Rape as Genocide


Book Description

In times of war, women are subjected to sexual abuse that is largely ignored by military organizations, media outlets, and international courts. Existing literature has illustrated how wartime rape was accepted or dismissed in the past, and how today, while this practice continues, international courts are beginning to identify the harm being done to women, making explicit how rape is used as a tool of genocide. In this thesis I argue that wartime rape serves as a means of genocide, a way to eliminate a group of individuals and their culture. A recent example of how rape worked as genocide is seen in the Rwandan genocide in 1994. Rape was used as a systematic policy to destroy a group of people, the Tutsi, through torture and the spreading of AIDS. The purpose of this research is to examine genocidal rape from the perspectives of women who were raped in Rwanda during the genocide. The focus is on gaining insight to wartime rape as a form of genocide and the aftermath of rape on the women and the culture within which it occurred. Qualitative, feminist analysis was used to answer the following research questions: How do women raped in the Rwandan genocide describe and explain their experiences with rape and its aftermath? How did the intersection of gender and ethnicity contribute to violence against women during the genocide? What are the implications of rape for the women who experienced it and for their families, communities, and their cultural group?




Rape, the Least Condemned War Crime. Human Rights are not Women’s Rights


Book Description

Seminar paper from the year 2003 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: Public International Law and Human Rights, grade: 16., , language: English, abstract: Rape has long been used as an instrument of war with relative impunity. The scale and horror of sexual violence against women and girls during times of conflict have gained it the recognition as serious crimes. Therefore, rape has become subject of national and international jurisprudence. The continued determination of women’s rights groups and other Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have helped raise awareness and ensure protection from these horrific criminal acts. They effectively used international humanitarian law and put on trial some of the accusers. Rape and sexual violence against women during times of war has gained recognition as war crimes and crimes against humanity. However, treating rape as a war crime and prosecuting the accusers for crimes against humanity has not prevented these crimes from reoccurring. In order to prevent this horrific crime from occurring, war rape must be consider a violation of the most fundamental rights, human rights. Human rights do not apply to women. The language of human rights creates the illusion that everyone is equal before the law, regardless of gender. It disguises the reality of unequal gender power relations that affects all societies. When addressing the crime of rape during times of conflict, the concept of equality means much more than treating all persons in the same way. Human rights activists need to address sexual violence against women as an infringement of human rights, but the only way to do that is to challenge the belief that human rights provisions adequately address women’s rights. Activists must advocate to expand human rights laws and build human rights standards to include gender specific crimes. Rape and all forms of sexual violence against women need to be clearly stated as a human rights provision. The acceptance of violence against women during times of conflict, as an abuse of human rights will provide activists with access to the ruling by international law. Because it would be universally held to have political weight, it will provide a useful set of tools. Using these tools, women can demand the State’s and international protection, prevention against this horrific crimes and retribution against the perpetrators of abuse. To advocate human rights is to demand that the human dignity of all people be respected. Therefore, no women should be subject to any form of torture, degrading treatment of inhuman treatment.




Rape


Book Description

This is the first comparative study in the genocide-studies literature of sexual violence as a genocidal weapon.




Teaching About Rape in War and Genocide


Book Description

This edited volume is both a guide for educators and a resource for everyone who wants to strengthen resistance against a major atrocity that besieges human development. Its contributors explore a crucial question: how to teach about rape in war and genocide?




Wartime Sexual Violence at the International Level: A Legal Perspective


Book Description

In Wartime Sexual Violence at the International Level: A Legal Perspective Dr. Caterina Arrabal Ward discusses the understanding of wartime sexual violence by the international tribunals and argues that wartime sexual violence often takes place without the explicit purpose to destroy a community or population and is not necessarily a strategic choice. This research suggests that a more focused approach based on a much clearer definition of these crimes would help to remedy deficiencies at the different stages of international justice in relation to these crimes.




Rape


Book Description

This book is a well-researched and moving account of how sexual assault on women has become a potent weapon in virtually all armed conflicts. Chapters giving historical and geographic perspectives describe how rape has been used throughout the ages and around the world. Case histories reveal the individual tragedies within the broad picture.




Conquest


Book Description

In this revolutionary text, prominent Native American studies scholar and activist Andrea Smith reveals the connections between different forms of violence—perpetrated by the state and by society at large—and documents their impact on Native women. Beginning with the impact of the abuses inflicted on Native American children at state-sanctioned boarding schools from the 1880s to the 1980s, Smith adroitly expands our conception of violence to include the widespread appropriation of Indian cultural practices by whites and other non-Natives; environmental racism; and population control. Smith deftly connects these and other examples of historical and contemporary colonialism to the high rates of violence against Native American women—the most likely to suffer from poverty-related illness and to survive rape and partner abuse. Smith also outlines radical and innovative strategies for eliminating gendered violence.




The Evolution Of Sexual Violence: Reaching Recognition Beyond The Level Of Genocide And Into An Effective Military Strategy


Book Description

The great atrocities of WW II exposed a gaping hole in international law. Under what legal provision could an individual or state be held criminally responsible for the systematic killings of an entire group? Although the Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals were unable to prosecute this “crime without name”, the necessity for new law to fill the gap was apparent. Coined by Ralph Lemkin, the term ‘genocide’ “evokes ideas of absolute evil, negation of humanity” (Costi 2009). In 1948, the Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide was adopted by the United Nation. While this was a step in the right direction, the convention’s hasty conception left an abundance of room for interpretation. Additionally, the qualification of an act of genocide is often politically motivated, opening up the term to abuse and manipulation to achieve certain agendas.Acts that can amount to genocide are defined in the convention, but are too limited in scope. Contrary to common thought, genocide (per the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide) does not require death or murder. Furthermore, an intent that qualifies at face value is subjected to further scrutiny. Rape was traditionally considered a byproduct of warfare and was thought to accompany warfare for purposes of sexual gratification, camaraderie, and morale. Recent case, however, have opened the door for recognition that rape could amount to genocide. Furthermore, the now recognized destructive genocidal function as identical societal impacts result when a military strategy of rape is utilized to gain military advantage on the battlefield.Rape has evolved past the level of genocide into a full blown strategy of war capable of severely disrupting a victim society and allowing the enemy to gain a military advantage. Definitional discrepancies of the Genocide Convention, purposes of rape in warfare, societal impacts, and case law relevant to both genocide and sexual violence, will be studied throughout this paper to assist in drawing the conclusion above.




Gender Violence in Peace and War


Book Description

Reports from war zones often note the obscene victimization of women, who are frequently raped, tortured, beaten, and pressed into sexual servitude. Yet this reign of terror against women not only occurs during exceptional moments of social collapse, but during peacetime too. As this powerful book argues, violence against women should be understood as a systemic problem—one for which the state must be held accountable. The twelve essays in Gender Violence in Peace and War present a continuum of cases where the state enables violence against women—from state-sponsored torture to lax prosecution of sexual assault. Some contributors uncover buried histories of state violence against women throughout the twentieth century, in locations as diverse as Ireland, Indonesia, and Guatemala. Others spotlight ongoing struggles to define the state’s role in preventing gendered violence, from domestic abuse policies in the Russian Federation to anti-trafficking laws in the United States. Bringing together cutting-edge research from political science, history, gender studies, anthropology, and legal studies, this collection offers a comparative analysis of how the state facilitates, legitimates, and perpetuates gender violence worldwide. The contributors also offer vital insights into how states might adequately protect women’s rights in peacetime, as well as how to intervene when a state declares war on its female citizens.