Why Women Protest


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Protest, Policy, and the Problem of Violence against Women


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Violence against women is one of the most insidious social ills facing the world today. Yet governmental response is inconsistent, ranging from dismissal to aggressive implementation of policies and programs to combat the problem. In her comparative study of thirty-six democratic governments, Laurel Weldon examines the root causes and consequences of the differences in public policy from Northern Europe to Latin America. She reveals that factors that often influence the development of social policies do not determine policies on violence against women. Neither economic level, religion, region, nor the number of women in government determine governmental responsiveness to this problem. Weldon demonstrates, for example, that Nordic governments take no more action to combat violence against women than Latin American governments, even though the Swedish welfare state is often considered a leader in social policy, particularly with regard to women’s issues. Instead, the presence of independently organized, active women’s movements plays a greater role in placing violence against women on the public agenda. The breadth and scope of governmental response is greatly enhanced by the presence of an office dedicated to promoting women’s status. Weldon closes with practical lessons and insights to improve government action on violence against women and other important issues of social justice and democracy.




Women and Social Protest


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Bringing together eighteen thought-provoking articles--most of them written especially for this volume--Women and Social Protest addresses a long-neglected area in social history and politics, showing how in recent years feminist social scientists have begun to reexamine women's involvement in social protest, the innovative forms this protest takes, and the impact of activism on women's lives. This timely and comprehensive anthology provides a much-needed forum for discussion of these topics, and shows how the sociological and political literature has long ignored, masked, or distorted the political activities of women, thus creating the stereotype of the "apolitical woman."Drawing on the work of sociologists, political scientists, historians, and experts in women's studies, Women and Social Protest explores four types of social protest--economic; racial, ethnic, and nationalistic; social nurturing and humanistic; and women's rights--considering a wealth of data from different eras and case studies from around the world. An introductory chapter provides a theoretical framework for the essays and helpful introductions to each section identify and elaborate general themes. In addition, a comprehensive bibliography offers the most extensive, up-to-date list of readings available. One of the first books to examine this important topic in detail, Women and Social Protest is a valuable contribution to the expanding field of social political theory.




Women in Protest 1800-1850


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There is still much uncertainty about the role of nineteenth-century British women in social and political protest. As politics was a man’s world virtually all official accounts and statistics of popular protest deal only with the men involved. It is well known that women participated in food riots and mobilised support for Chartism, and as the dramatic changes in the economy during this period greatly increased the demand for women’s labour, this stimulated their widespread involvement in political and social agitation, particularly the parliamentary reform movement of 1819. First published in 1982, this book provides a descriptive account of the part played by women – mainly working class women – in a variety of social and political activities that can broadly be categorised as protest. It establishes the basic outlines and offers an interpretation of the course of events.




Protest And Popular Culture


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Protest and Popular Culture is at once a historical monograph and a critique of postmodernist approaches to the study of mass media, consumerism, and popular political movements. In it, Triece compares the self-representations of several late nineteenth and twentieth-century women's protest movements with representations of women offered by contemporaneous mass media outlets. She shows that from the late nineteenth century until the present day, U.S. women's protest movements sought to convince women that they are first and foremost laborer/producers, while the U.S. media has just as consistently sought to convince women that they are primarily consumers. Triece contends that these approaches to portraying women have been and continue to be constructed in opposition to one another. The leaders of women's protest movements, she argues, have long sought to convince women not to spend time and money on reshaping their selves through consumer purchases, but instead to focus attention on empowering themselves politically by asserting control over their own labor power. The mass media, meanwhile, has always treated such movements as potential threats to the financial well-being of the consumer sector (that is, of advertisers), and so has consistently trivialized them, while seeking simultaneously to convince women that they should devote attention and resources to buying things, not to struggling to overcome class and gender discrimination. Many cultural-studies scholars have argued that in recent years, rising prosperity has made consumerism into the primary site of both individual expression and ?resistance? to the dominant socio-economic order, with self-definition through personal purchases supplanting the role formerly played by struggle for an end to inequities of all kinds. These scholars contend that as such, mass media no longer function to naturalize, and thus reinforce such inequities, and consumerism no longer serves to perpetuate them. Triece argues that her examples show that this argument is faulty, and that scholars should continue to take a traditional materialist view in all studies of mass media, consumerism, and popular protest.




Why We March


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National Bestseller On January 21, 2017, millions of people gathered worldwide for the Women’s March, one of the largest demonstrations in political history. Together they raised their voices in hope, protest, and solidarity. This inspiring collection features 500 of the most eloquent, provocative, uplifting, clever, and creative signs from across the United States and around the world. Each is a powerful reminder of why we march. As with the recent battle cry of “Nevertheless, she persisted,” these messages continue to reverberate daily and fortify a movement that will not be silenced. All royalties from the sale of this book will be donated to Planned Parenthood.




Accommodating Protest


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Accommodating Protest explores the subculture framing the behavior of lower-middle-class women in Cairo and evaluates their constraints and opportunities in a rapidly changing city. MacLeod examines the conflicting ideologies of the lower middle class, where economic pressures compel women to enter the workplace, even as traditional values encourage them to stay home as wives and mothers.




Women Strike for Peace


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Foreword by Catharine R. StimpsonAcknowledgmentsIntroduction1. "Raising a Hue and Cry"2. Prelude to a Peace Strike3. Who Are These Women?4. Organizing a "Nonorganization"5. Ladies' Day at the Capitol6. A Not-so-funny Thing Happened on the Way to Disarmament7. "The Women's Vote Is the Peace Vote"8. Not Our Sons, Not Your Sons, Not Their Sons: Hell, No, We Won't Let Them Go!9. We Have Met the Enemy--and They Are Our Sisters!ConclusionNotesBibliographyIndex Copyright © Libri GmbH. All rights reserved.




Why Women Should Protest


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Women and the Public Interest


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Jessie Bernard, in this serious book, pulls into an analytic framework the research, theory, and polemics about the status and problems of women as they relate to public policy. With a scholarly, deeply concerned eye, the author comprehensively examines areas of public interest, human resource development and utilization, self-fulfillment and sex roles, and the women's liberation movement. Bernard argues that sexual division of labor is at odds with the "general welfare" provision of the Constitution, and that artificial sexual allocation of function impedes the "pursuit of happiness" mandate of the Declaration of Independence. Avoiding both the shrillness of political rhetoric about women's rights and the dullness of an impersonal research paper, Bernard writes knowledgeably and sympathetically about what women can and should do to change public policy and achieve their goals. She combs the sociological and related literatures to document and analyze women's special burdens and disadvantages in American society and concludes that a radical redrawing of sex roles is necessary. A generally positive discussion of the recent women's liberation movement, including portraits of some of its leaders drawn from personal interviews, is also included. Designed for all readers, the book can readily serve as an overview of the historical roots of the women's movement. It provides excellent reading for courses in social psychology and sociology. Guidance counselors and personnel directors will find this book of continuing use, in their practical activities on behalf of career-oriented women.